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ns essay AFGHANISTAN: THE MAKING OF U.S. POLICY, 1973-1990. by Steve Galster. The year was 1979. The country, of course, was Afghanistan.
And one decade later, some people who had believed in that message were celebrating one of the most sensational U.S. Essays! victories in the history of the Cold War: the withdrawal of 100,000 demoralized Soviet troops from essays Afghanistan, marking the on migrant first time that the Red Army had withdrawn under fire from a nation it had occupied since World War II. Thesis Art Analysis! The Afghan socialist revolution, it seemed, had failed. At the headquarters of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), Director William Webster and his euphoric Afghan Team toasted ten years of effort and on migrant women a multi-billion dollar project to what highest you can your support the anti-communist, Muslim Afghan rebels, in what had become the essays women CIA?s largest and most successful covert operation ever. On Capitol Hill, Congressman Charles Wilson (D-Texas), a legislative champion of the anti-Soviet guerrillas, boasted that the United States had learned in Afghanistan that it could reverse Soviet influence anywhere in the world. And at the White House, President George Bush hailed the withdrawal as a watershed in U.S.-Soviet relations. Six thousand miles away from the celebrations, however, the argumentative essay war in Afghanistan raged on. Washington and Moscow?s clients, using U.S. and Soviet-supplied weapons, continued their internecine struggle for power, adding more civilian casualties to the 1 million who had already died. Although peace had broken out between the essays women superpowers, the legacy of their long and bitter rivalry lived on in the rocket-prone city of argumentative essay dating Kabul, Pakistan?s crowded refugee camps and the war-ravaged villages in the Hindu Kush mountains. The Relevance of on migrant women Afghanistan. How is it that this underdeveloped, tribal-based country, tucked deep inside the rugged crossroads of Asia and deemed strategically insignificant by the United States for of water thesis decades, became a battleground for the bloodiest superpower proxy war of the on migrant 1980s? What stimulated the United States to develop a sophisticated insurgency support operation for a rebellion led by Islamic religious leaders and fought by mountain tribesmen?
What was the nature of the debate among U.S. officials and congressmen as to what the rebels, beset with ethnic, tribal and personal rivalries, could accomplish against the armed forces of the Soviet Union? What effect did this war have on Pakistan, the most important U.S. References! ally in South Asia, which played a crucial role in on migrant women, the war by of water providing sanctuary for the rebels and 3 million Afghan refugees? And what lessons have the U.S. intelligence and defense communities drawn from the Afghan conflict and applied to the emerging U.S. strategic doctrine of Low-Intensity Warfare? Why did the essays women Soviet Union spend ten years, billions of what highest your sat essay dollars and 15-20,000 lives trying to prop up a government that seemed constantly on the verge of collapse? Was Moscow?s intervention, as some have claimed, originally part of a grand design to on migrant seize oil fields and warm water ports in the Persian Gulf region, or merely a move to protect a new socialist government in a country contiguous to its sensitive southern border? Why did Mikhail Gorbachev eventually call the Red Army home, leaving the Afghan government to fend for itself against formidable odds? And how did the Afghan government manage to hold onto power without Soviet protection? No student, professor or journalist trying to thesis answer these and the many other questions related to the Afghan war can do justice to their research without reviewing some of the thousands of pages of State Department cables from Kabul, Peshawar, Islamabad and Washington; intelligence reports from the essays CIA and the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA); correspondence between Congress and the executive branch; field reports from Agency for International Development (AID) officials in the color thesis, Pakistan; and other previously classified materials found in this document set. An overview of U.S. policy during Afghanistan?s last 17 turbulent years both provides some context for approaching these questions and demonstrates the usefulness of these materials to those trying to on migrant women answer them. The Tenets of U.S. Policy toward Afghanistan.
Although Afghanistan experienced massive changes between 1973 and 1990--four coups, the essay on interracial dating intervention and withdrawal of the Soviet armed forces, the exile of one-third of its population as a result of the essays war, and one million deaths?U.S. policy toward Afghanistan throughout this period actually remained the same: to prevent excessive Soviet influence. Specifically, this meant denying the Soviet Union a foothold in Afghanistan from which to launch aggressive actions in the region. Afghanistan by itself was of little importance to the United States. But the area around it?the Persian Gulf and the sea lines and list ports of the Indian Ocean?was deemed critical, and U.S. policy toward Afghanistan consistently reflected a regional policy that sought strong and friendly ties with Iran and Pakistan. Hence, the two factors shaping U.S. Essays Women! policy in Afghanistan also remained consistent: the U.S. Art Analysis Paper! perception of Soviet goals in on migrant women, Afghanistan, and list references the balance of power in women, the region. Until the essay references fall of the Shah of Iran in 1979, the United States was able to project its power into South Asia and protect its interests there with confidence.
In exchange for on migrant massive military assistance, the Shah provided the United States with access to military bases and thesis art analysis paper intelligence facilities, helping to safeguard the flow of oil from the Persian Gulf to the free world while preventing potential Soviet advances toward the Gulf or Indian Ocean. At the same time, Soviet relations with Afghanistan did not appear to threaten U.S. interests. Essays! Since the USSR shared a long border with Afghanistan and because the United States enjoyed friendly ties with the other states in the region, U.S. officials viewed Soviet policy in Afghanistan as part of a defensive strategy. A National Intelligence Estimate written in 1954--one year after the United States helped restore the thesis paper Shah to his throne in Iran?stated that Soviet attention to Afghanistan is part of a general effort to counter recent Western (particularly US) gains in the Middle East-South Asia area.(2) Washington decided, in other words, to treat Afghanistan as a buffer state. Throughout the 1960s and the 1970s, relations between Moscow and Kabul grew stronger, as the USSR became one of Afghanistan?s largest sources of foreign aid.
The United States, while working to minimize Soviet influence, raised few objections. In 1962, the State Department reasoned that US fostering of active hostility toward the USSR [could] only serve to weaken Afghanistan?s ability to survive.(3) In 1976, the annual State Department Policy Review stated that Afghanistan was a militarily and politically neutral nation, effectively dependent on the Soviet Union. Essays! Still, it concluded that the United States is not, nor should it become, committed to, or responsible for on interracial dating the ?protection? of Afghanistan in any respect.(4) The balance of power in the region favored the United States, and no significant Soviet threat to that balance was seen emanating from Afghanistan. This set of circumstances?which in on migrant women, U.S. policy parlance is described as regional stability?changed dramatically in 1979. The Shah of Iran abdicated his throne in January, allowing an anti-American, Islamic government to take power. Ten months later, the thesis art analysis paper Soviet Union deployed 100,000 troops to Afghanistan, putting the women Red Army within striking distance of both Pakistan and a potentially vulnerable Iran. The balance in the region had shifted. Soviet policy in Afghanistan, which was previously perceived as benign, was suddenly described by the White House as the gravest threat to essay on interracial dating world peace since World War II.
The Early Years: 1973-1978. To gain a full understanding of these changes, one needs to go back to the early 1970s when the power of Afghanistan?s monarchy was waning. Afghanistan at this time was one of the most underdeveloped countries in the world. In 1974, the World Bank estimated Afghanistan?s per capita GNP to be $70, ranking it 73rd among a list of 83 underdeveloped countries.(5) To make matters worse, Afghanistan suffered a terrible drought in 1971-1972. Foreign aid, from such countries as West Germany, Iran, the United States, and especially from the USSR, helped alleviate the country?s economic woes. Foreign aid alone, however, could not resolve Afghanistan?s emerging political conflicts. Many Afghans, particularly the progressive urban elite, had grown impatient with the country?s leader, King Zahir Shah. The king had ruled Afghanistan (sometimes as only a titular head) since the age of 19, when his father was assassinated in 1933. The United States was aware that political discontent was on the rise in women, the country. In 1971, the U.S. Embassy in Kabul reported that [t]here has been increased leftist activity which can be attributed to paper increased disillusionment and frustration with the essays on migrant existing social/economic conditions and the apparent inability or unwillingness of the leadership to tackle boldly the nation?s problems.(6) Perhaps the essays assurance most disgruntled and organized of the country?s leftist groups was the People?s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA).
The PDPA had been founded in 1965 by women a group of 30 Afghans in Kabul. Its political orientation was Marxist, with many of its members looking to Moscow for the color of water essay thesis guidance and inspiration. Many PDPA members, in on migrant, fact, had studied or received military training in the USSR. During its early years, the PDPA was torn by quarrels and essay references plots between its two leaders, Nur Mohammad Taraki and Babrak Karmal. Essays! The two leaders agreed on essay list references, the basic objectives of the essays on migrant party, including a number of socialist political and economic reforms. They both also complained of Afghanistan?s backward nature, pointing not only to its underdeveloped infrastructure but also to a maldistribution of wealth and land which, they claimed, was perpetuated by traditional tribal and religious customs.
Taraki and Karmal disagreed, however, over list, how to remedy these problems. Taraki and his followers argued for radical socialist reforms using whatever means necessary to implement them; Karmal and his supporters advocated the gradual introduction of socialist change, working within the state system, incorporating along the way different elements of Afghan society. Karmal and several colleagues had even served as parliamentary members during the king?s rule, earning themselves the nickname royal communists. In 1967, Karmal split with the party and formed his own faction, also called the PDPA, but usually identified by the name of on migrant women its newspaper, Parcham (banner). Parcham continued to strive for the same kinds of socialist reforms pursued by Taraki?s rival PDPA faction, Khalq (masses), also named for nanotechnology its newspaper, but the two competed for essays on migrant power nevertheless. By the early 1970s, Karmal had all but abandoned his non-confrontational, almost cooperative approach toward the is the highest you can government. The Zahir Administration had shut down the Parcham newspaper, quashed Parcham demonstrations, and arrested party members and put them in jail. In response, Karmal increasingly sang the same anti-monarchy tune as the Khalqis. Parcham and Khalq were not the on migrant women only groups opposed to the Zahir Shah Administration. The king?s cousin and essays former prime minister, Mohammad Daud, had his eyes on the royal palace, as did several other former officials and relatives of the king.
Realizing that a race was on to replace Zahir Shah, Daud, along with members of the military and Parcham, coordinated a takeover attempt. On July 17, 1973, while the women king was vacationing in Italy, Daud, along with key military officers and the minister of interior, who was a Parcham sympathizer, launched a successful, nearly bloodless coup, declaring an end to the monarchy and the beginning of a republican government. The exact nature of Daud?s relations with Parcham during this time is still not clear. Nanotechnology Essay! Did the two agree on essays on migrant women, political objectives for of water Afghanistan, or did they merely create a marriage of convenience? In any event, after ousting the royal family, Daud initiated some of the progressive reforms which his leftist supporters had demanded. His commitment to essays on migrant women a reformist program and to his early backers was shortlived, however. Over time, Daud consolidated his personal power by purging the government of leftists, replacing them with members of his own powerful Mohammadzai clan. He also sought more economic independence from the essay list references Soviet Union by women exploring closer ties with Iran and nanotechnology essay the United States. He was careful, however, never completely to shun the Soviet Union. As the CIA noted, Daud was happiest when he could light his American cigarettes with Soviet matches.(7) The U.S.
Embassy in Kabul observed that Daud, in his changes, was leaning neither left nor right, but Daudward. Essays! In pursuit of personal power and a more independent foreign policy, Daud managed to alienate Afghanistan?s socialists, moderates and religious fundamentalists. It was the latter which initially proved to be Daud?s most militant opponents. While some Afghans were being influenced by Marxism, others were diligently studying the Koran. Many of these Afghans entered Kabul University?s faculty of Islamic law, while others pursued their Islamic studies in Egypt where they came into contact with and were influenced by the Muslim Brotherhood, an organization which seeks the imposition of strictly Islamic governments in all Muslim countries.
Some of those Afghans who studied in Cairo, such as Burhanuddin Rabbani, Sibghatullah Mojaddedi and Abdul Rabb-ur-Rasul Sayyaf, came back to Kabul determined to galvanize opposition first to Zahir Shah and thesis art analysis paper then Mohammad Daud, both of whose governments they criticized as corrupt and un-Islamic. This group of Afghans wanted to integrate modernization and Islam to essays on migrant counter the disruptive influence of both capitalism and communism. Rabbani recruited from Afghanistan?s Muslim Youth Organization and helped form the Islamic Society party, Jamiat-i Islami. Jamiat organized anti-government protests and other Islamic dissident activities. When Daud cracked down on assurance, Jamiat activists, Rabbani and other Muslim leaders fled for the Afghan countryside and eventually to Pakistan where they received arms to fight the Daud government. U.S. officials knew very little about these Afghan rebels and doubted they could pose a serious threat to on migrant women the Daud Administration. Some of the names listed in essay references, State Department cables were those of people who, years later, would receive covert aid from the United States in their jihad, or holy war, against the Soviet Union. But it was Pakistan, which had its own reasons to fear Daud, that helped these rebels get their start.
Especially alarming to the Pakistanis was Daud?s pursuit of essays on migrant women a popular cause called Pashtunistan. Roughly half of Afghanistan?s population are ethnic Pashtuns, including Daud and practically every other leader in Afghanistan?s history. Millions of Pashtuns also lived on the other side of the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, an artificial line drawn by the British during the argumentative on interracial height of their colonial rule in India. These Pashtuns, living in Pakistan?s Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP), looked forward to essays on migrant women the day when they would join their ethnic brethren in controlling their own homeland, Pashtunistan. Since Pashtuns dominated Afghan politics, they could only essay references, gain from pursuing such a goal, and Afghan leaders, in turn, won favor among Afghan Pashtuns for pursuing it. What was appealing to on migrant Daud and art analysis other Afghan leaders, however, represented a real threat to essays women Pakistan. Pashtunistan, if ever realized, would cut deeply into the NWFP by annexing a good portion of Pakistan. Even if the border with Afghanistan remained intact, calls in Kabul for art analysis paper Pashtunistan always had the women potential for stirring unrest in Peshawar and other parts of Pakistan?s frontier. Expatriate leaders such as Rabbani, an ethnic Tajik, and Hekmatyar, an Islamist who sought to unite Afghans belonging to all ethnic groups through Islam, provided Pakistan with a minor tool for keeping Daud off balance if he chose to pursue an aggressive Pashtunistan policy. Meanwhile, as Islamic fundamentalists rebelled against Daud?s atheistic reforms, Daud continued to purge more leftists from the government, banned political opposition in essays, 1975, and essays strengthened ties with Iran and the United States. The United States welcomed and encouraged Daud?s new foreign policy moves.
In 1977, the nanotechnology State Department, remarking on essays on migrant, Daud?s closer ties to Iran, stated that he had made significant contributions to the improvement of regional stability?thereby helping to fulfill another principal U.S. objective.(8) The Saur Revolution. Despite U.S. approval, Daud?s authoritarian rule had alienated too many at home. In particular, PDPA members, Parchamis and Khalqis alike, had grown impatient with Daud and were anxious to see him removed from power. Khalq members criticized their Parcham rivals for having deluded themselves into thinking that the thesis paper PDPA could have worked with Daud after supporting his takeover. Essays On Migrant! By 1977, Khalq and Parcham formally agreed to bury their differences and nanotechnology essay united to on migrant women form one People?s Democratic Party of Afghanistan; Soviet pressure reportedly played a role in the unification. Further PDPA infiltration of the military, especially by Khalqis, put the party in a good position to influence events if and when Daud lost his grip on power. That day came on April 17, 1978, when Mir Akbar Khaibar, a member of the PDPA and a vocal critic of Daud, was assassinated, possibly by Daud?s minister of essays interior.
Thousands of mourners turned Khaibar?s funeral into an anti-government rally which prompted Daud to clamp down further on the PDPA, arresting numerous party members. His response provoked PDPA supporters in the military to take action. On April 27, the essays women military in collaboration with the PDPA overthrew Daud, executed him, and replaced his republican government with a socialist one, which proclaimed the coup as the beginning of the Saur [April] Revolution. Prelude to Intervention. The socialist and pro-Soviet bent of the new government caused U.S. officials some concern as they wondered whether Moscow had played a secret role in the PDPA takeover. On Quality Assurance! U.S. On Migrant! Embassy officials in Kabul, however, detected no Soviet hand in the coup and suggested a cautious approach to the new government. These officials recalled that while Daud had been busy consolidating his personal power and pursuing new foreign ties, he had neglected the domestic reforms that many Afghans, particularly the progressive intellectuals, had demanded.
Also, religious leaders and intellectual, or Islamists, including those who had already taken up arms against Daud, had been neglected or repressed. The PDPA was in nanotechnology essay, a better position than the Islamicists to seize power because of its stronger influence over essays on migrant women, the military and within the on quality assurance capital city, Kabul. The Khalq-Parcham unity was apparently not very solid. Essays On Migrant! The new government, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA), was dominated by nanotechnology Khalqis, due mostly to Khalq control of the military. Soon after the April takeover, Khalq?s two main leaders, Nur Mohammad Taraki and on migrant women Hafizullah Amin, quickly consolidated Khalq rule by imprisoning a number of their Parcham rivals while sending others off to foreign diplomatic posts.
Meanwhile, they moved quickly to implement radical secular reforms, ranging from essay on interracial marriage decrees to land reform laws. A treaty of friendship between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union was signed in December 1978, which brought more Soviet aid and advisors to Kabul. The Khalqi reforms served to ignite strong opposition from most of the deeply traditional and Islamic population. The security of rural women, for example, often depended on a sizable dowry, which was significantly reduced under new marriage laws. The land reforms, which were meant to essays on migrant women help small farmers, were opposed by many for having alienated them from art analysis their former landowners, on whom they had always relied for help in growing and selling their crops. A number of disenfranchised landowners along with many religious leaders either took up arms against the Taraki-Amin government or left the country. Some Afghans fled to essays on migrant women Pakistan to join the Islamic Afghan dissidents such as Rabbani and Hekmatyar. Essays On Quality! Some of the more prominent new rebels included: Sibghatullah Mojaddedi, who came from a well-known family of Sufi leaders, had ties to the royal family, was related to a prominent PDPA official (a valuable connection for most rebels), and formerly taught Islamic law in Kabul; Sayyid Ahmad Gailani, who was also tied to on migrant the royal family, was a Pir, or spiritual leader, and who until his departure from Kabul owned a Peugeot car dealership; Mohammad Nabi Mohammadi, who came from a prominent religious family and served in parliament in the 1960s where he criticized secular influence in Afghanistan, physically attacking, at one point, another member of parliament, Babrak Karmal.
There were other rebel leaders operating in the Afghan mountains or out of Pakistan. An important one, Yunus Khales had escaped from essay on interracial Afghanistan in 1974 after writing a book that criticized the Daud Administration. Unlike some other rebel leaders, Khales depended more on his genuine tribal support than his religious aura to galvanize Afghans in his home province of Nangarhar to oppose the new government in Kabul. These leaders, along with Rabbani, Hekmatyar, and another who joined in on migrant, 1980, Abdul Rabb-ur-Rasul Sayyaf, formed their own parties and would eventually unite to form the essay list references Sunni Islamic Afghan rebel alliance, or the Peshawar Seven as they would later become collectively known as. These party leaders called for a jihad, or holy war, against essays on migrant women the PDPA. Many other Afghan dissidents helped lead the argumentative on interracial charge against the Kabul government, including numerous commanders in the Afghan mountains, like Ahmad Shah Masoud. The Shiite Afghans also played an important insurgency role in the western half of Afghanistan. Some of the Shiite parties based their operations in Iran where they received support from on migrant Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini?s government. It was the Peshawar Seven, however, who would grab the world?s attention, partly because the government of Pakistan, the host to most rebels and refugees and the foreign journalists writing about them, chose to recognize their parties as the only legitimate ones in Pakistan. The United States, in the meantime, had found itself facing a policy dilemma with the PDPA?s ascension to power in Afghanistan.
This dilemma was summed up in a secret memorandum to art analysis Secretary of essays on migrant State Cyrus Vance following the April takeover: We need to take into account the mix of nanotechnology nationalism and communism in essays on migrant, the new leadership and seek to avoid driving the regime into a closer embrace with the Soviet Union than it might wish. Yet the memo also pointed out various factors favoring a hard-line approach to the new government: [A]nti-regime elements in Afghanistan will be watching us carefully to see if we acquiesce in or accept the communist takeover. Pakistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and others of is the sat essay our friends in the area will see the women situation clearly as a Soviet coup. On the domestic front, many Americans will see this as an extension of Soviet power and draw the parallel with Angola, Ethiopia, etc.(9) As a result, the United States compromised, maintaining correct relations with the nanotechnology government while keeping channels open to the opposition. As dissatisfaction with the PDPA mounted within Afghanistan, however, the United States grew increasingly uncomfortable with the new government and essays on migrant women its radical reforms. To make matters worse, in February 1979, the U.S. Art Analysis Paper! ambassador, Adolph Dubs, was taken hostage by anti-government Shiite Muslims who demanded the release of a political prisoner. Afghan police clumsily stormed their hideout, and Dubs was killed in the ensuing shootout. Afghan authorities stonewalled U.S. requests for an independent investigation of the killing. Congress in turn refused to replace Dubs with another ambassador and threatened to cut aid to the DRA.
In March 1979, Afghans in women, the western city of Herat responded to rebel calls for a jihad by massacring hundreds of DRA officials and Soviet advisors who were in charge of introducing the women?s literacy program there. On Quality Assurance! Afghanistan was beginning to draw attention from the outside world, including Washington. At the White House, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski warned President Carter that the Soviet Union, with its hundreds of advisors in Afghanistan to on migrant women assist in reforms and counterinsurgency operations, had territorial designs on Afghanistan and possibly the on interracial whole South Asia region. Brzezinski and others worried that the on migrant USSR might take advantage of its presence in Afghanistan in essays on quality, order to influence events in neighboring Iran or Pakistan, two traditionally pro-American countries that for years had helped safeguard U.S. Essays On Migrant Women! interests in the region, namely access to oil and the containment of the Soviet Union. If the DRA were able to consolidate its power, Brzezinski argued, then the Soviet Union might turn Afghanistan into a launching pad for aggression in the region. Weeks after the Herat uprising and while President Carter was absorbed by the Iran hostage crisis, Brzezinski pushed a decision through the Special Coordination Committee (SCC) of the National Security Council (NSC) to be, as he put it, more sympathetic to those Afghans who were determined to preserve their country?s independence.(10) Although deliberately vague as to what this meant, the evidence indicates that Brzezinski called for moderate covert support for Afghan dissident groups which had set up headquarters in essay, Pakistan. Some, such as forces under the command of Rabbani and Hekmatyar, had been operating out of Pakistan without much outside aid for essays years. According to a former Pakistani military official who was interviewed in references, 1988, the U.S. Essays Women! Embassy in Islamabad had asked Pakistani military officials in your, April 1979 to recommend a rebel organization that would make the essays women best use of U.S. Argumentative Essay On Interracial! aid. The following month, the Pakistani source claimed, he personally introduced a CIA official to Hekmatyar who, while more radically Islamic and anti-American than most Afghans, headed what the Pakistani government considered the most militant and organized rebel group, the Hizb-i Islami (Hekmatyar).(11)
Freedom of Information Act requests for records describing these meetings have been denied. But CIA and State Department documents seized by Iranian students during the takeover of the essays on migrant U.S. Embassy in Tehran in November 1979, reveal that, starting in April 1979, eight months before the Soviet intervention and immediately following Brzezinski?s SCC decision, the United States had, in fact, begun quietly meeting rebel representatives. Although most of the cables and memoranda released to essays on quality date show that U.S. officials politely turned down rebel requests for U.S. assistance, others reveal CIA support for essays on migrant women anti-DRA demonstrations and close monitoring of Pakistani military aid for rebel parties based in Pakistan?s NWFP. Brzezinski?s decision to help the rebels was curious in light of Soviet activities in Afghanistan at the time.
According to declassified documents and this author?s interviews, Soviet officials thought the Khalqi leadership was moving too fast with its reforms and urged Taraki and Amin to moderate the pace of change and broaden their political base by thesis paper including non-communists in the government. This approach, however, was more amenable to Parcham leaders who, unfortunately for Soviet officials, were not in power. When Khalq leaders sidestepped Soviet advice, Moscow sought other means to essays on migrant induce political change, meeting with former members of the monarchy and other non-communists to seek their participation in essays, the DRA government. Essays On Migrant! Soviet and other East bloc diplomats in Kabul kept the U.S. Embassy informed of their efforts. The ruling Khalqis, particularly Hafizullah Amin, had little use for highest sat essay Soviet counsel. The government responded to the growing opposition with increasing brutality, and the PDPA?s base continued to essays on migrant narrow. Amin, who as the defense minister was in charge of the essays on quality failed counterinsurgency operations, became the focus of Soviet frustrations.
State Department intelligence learned that, in August 1979, Moscow had decided there was no practical alternative in women, Afghanistan to art analysis paper the rule of Taraki and Amin but that Soviet officials had resolved to support the more moderate Taraki against Amin. In the same month, a high-ranking Soviet military official, General Ivan Pavlovskiy, led a fact-finding mission to Afghanistan to assess the stability of the government. In September, Taraki, on his way home from a Nonaligned Movement conference in Cuba, stopped in Moscow where he and essays women Soviet officials reportedly discussed Amin?s future. Thesis! Amin, perhaps sensing a coup, had Taraki arrested upon his return and executed him soon after. Essays On Migrant Women! In October, General Pavlovskiy returned to Moscow and thesis art analysis paper presented the Politburo with a grim picture of the situation below their border.
The Khalqi government had lost control of 23 of Afghanistan?s 28 provinces to various rebel forces. Left with Amin, the Soviets drew up plans for military action. By late November 1979, Soviet forces were moved to the Soviet Union-Afghanistan border. Warsaw Pact forces were also placed on an advanced state of readiness. On Migrant Women! Two Soviet battalions were quietly flown into an airbase near Kabul during the first week of December, laying the groundwork for what was to follow. On Christmas Eve 1979, tens of on quality thousands of Soviet troops riding in tanks and armored personnel carriers stormed across the on migrant women Amudarya River into art analysis paper, the rugged Afghan countryside, while thousands more flew into the Kabul, Bagram and Shindand air bases, bringing with them exiled Parcham leaders, including Babrak Karmal, who had been hiding in Moscow. Within days, Hafizullah Amin was assassinated and replaced by Karmal who formed a new Parcham-led government. Superpowers and Doctrines of Hegemony. The Soviet invasion symbolized, ironically, the limits of Soviet influence in Afghanistan. Unable to stabilize the government through political means, Moscow attempted to do so with military force, much the same as the United States had done years before in Vietnam. To many observers in Washington, D.C., however, Afghanistan was beginning to look like another pawn on the Kremlin?s chessboard.
The invasion coincided with the decline of U.S. Essays On Migrant! influence in Iran and other Third World countries such as Angola and Mozambique in 1975, Ethiopia in 1977 and essay list references Nicaragua in 1979 where pro-Soviet governments had seized power. It also coincided with an election year in which President Carter was coming under attack from essays on migrant conservatives for of water essay thesis failing to prevent these Soviet gains. Many of these U.S. On Migrant! observers argued that the global balance of power, particularly the geostrategic balance in South Asia, had shifted in favor of the Soviet Union. On Quality! The new dominant U.S. perception of Soviet foreign policy, as evidenced by Afghanistan, was that it was expansionist in nature: the Brezhnev Doctrine of protecting socialist allies, U.S. conservatives claimed, had been logically extended to include expanding Soviet influence beyond the Warsaw Pact. This view was best summed up in women, a Defense Intelligence Agency report issued days after Soviet troops entered Afghanistan: The key motivation that propelled Moscow?s move was to bring its long-standing strategic goals closer within reach.
Control of Afghanistan would be a major step toward overland access to the Indian Ocean and to domination of the Asian sub-continent.(12) Reasoning that aggression unopposed becomes a contagious disease, President Carter warned the Soviet Union on January 23rd, 1980, that [a]n attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region [would] be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the U.S. and [would] be repelled by any means necessary, including military force.(13) Journalists labeled this powerful warning the Carter Doctrine. Since, however, the United States was neither interested in essay, nor prepared for a war with the Soviet Union in Afghanistan or the Persian Gulf, Carter looked for alternative ways to slow down a potential Soviet drive and women make Moscow pay a heavy price for its intervention. He called for international economic sanctions against the USSR and a boycott of the Olympic games being held in Moscow, sought military access agreements with several South and Southwest Asian countries, and provided more covert aid to the mujahidin. Not all U.S. officials believed that the Soviet intervention was part of an what you can get on expansionist drive. While no declassified documents reveal any criticism of rebel military aid, some officials subsequently recalled in this author?s interviews that they had advocated quiet diplomacy with the Soviet Union in order to provide the Kremlin with a way out of what they believed was a political and essays on migrant women military miscalculation.(14) Moscow had its own critics as well. According to interviews with Soviet officials, days after the intervention, Soviet foreign affairs advisors pleaded with the Kremlin leadership to withdraw Soviet troops from Afghanistan. These advisors did not believe the intervention was worth ruining d?tente with the is the you can your sat essay United States, Europe and China.
What is on migrant women, more, the deeply traditional and Islamic Afghans, in their opinion, were not yet prepared for socialism.(15) Cold War attitudes, however, prevailed in both Moscow and Washington. A combination of fear, pride and superpower obligations caused the leader of the free world and the vanguard of socialism to struggle violently over a destitute country the size of Texas for the next ten years. Political vs. Thesis Paper! Military Solution. Carter?s reaction to the Soviet invasion received widespread approval among policy-makers. Hard-liners, including Carter?s opponent in the 1980 presidential elections, Ronald Reagan, had warned numerous times that the Soviet Union was on a roll in the Third World and essays on migrant had to be rolled back. Moderates thought the intervention, regardless of its purpose, was an references egregious act for which the USSR should pay a price. All agreed that the essays on migrant women Soviet Union should withdraw from Afghanistan. The question was how to convince Moscow. Congressional conservatives opposed negotiations, distrusting the Soviet Union?s willingness to essay negotiate in good faith. According to their view, the USSR would not withdraw unless and until it felt the costs of its occupation.
Most U.S. moderates and liberals fell into essays on migrant women, line with their conservative colleagues, supporting covert aid to the Afghan rebels, with virtually no one advocating diplomacy as a means of resolving the conflict. The State Department believed that the rebels could probably continue tying up some 85,000 or more Soviet troops but that they were fragmented, lack[ed] effective national leadership, and certainly [could not] force a Soviet withdrawal.(16) After minimal deliberation at the White House, Carter opted for a two-track approach, supporting moderate levels of covert aid while seeking a forum for a negotiated settlement. Carter?s loss to Reagan in the 1980 presidential election signalled the end of the negotiation track. The new president favored a distinctly hard-line policy toward Afghanistan. Reagan sought to make the Afghan rebels and other anti-communist insurgencies the centerpiece of the Reagan Doctrine, an aggressive initiative designed to increase the cost of Soviet support for Third World socialist governments. While few believed that the Afghan rebels could force a Soviet withdrawal, Reagan and his advisors hoped to tie Soviet troops down in Afghanistan?s Hindu Kush mountains until the cost of essay list occupation became unsustainable. The key to this objective was Pakistan. Since the essays on migrant women overthrow of argumentative essay on interracial dating Mohammad Daud, Pakistan had played host to thousands (and eventually millions) of Afghan refugees and rebels who had fled their war-torn country for make-shift tent villages in the Northwest Frontier Province and Baluchistan. Without the cooperation of essays Pakistan?s military government, led since 1977 by Gen. Is The Highest You Can Sat Essay! Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq, the rebels would have had no sanctuary from which to launch their operations. The Carter Administration had cut aid to Pakistan in 1977 because of concerns about its nuclear program and essays on migrant women General Zia?s disdain for essays human rights and democracy.
There was ample evidence to suggest that Pakistan was actively developing an essays women atomic bomb. In addition, the Carter White House, with its public emphasis on respect for human rights as a precondition for nanotechnology essay foreign aid, was forced to respond to Zia?s well-known history of brutal and women dictatorial actions. The general had originally attained power by overthrowing Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. After promising elections within 90 days of the art analysis takeover, Zia postponed them indefinitely and eventually had Bhutto executed. To the United States, however, Zia?s record of essays human rights abuses paled in significance when compared to the Soviet move into the color of water essay thesis, Afghanistan. Literally days after the Soviet invasion, Carter was on the telephone with Zia offering him hundreds of millions of dollars in economic and military aid in essays women, exchange for thesis paper cooperation in helping the rebels. Zia accepted this quid pro quo, but his government remained wary of Washington?s stated commitment to protect Pakistan from possible Soviet strikes across its border. The Reagan Administration was able to gain Pakistan?s confidence by offering a huge, six-year economic and military aid package which elevated Pakistan to the third largest recipient of on migrant women U.S. foreign aid. The Reagan White House had equal success in persuading Congress to accept Zia as a new ally.
The conservative, Islamic general who was still pursuing a nuclear weapons program and seemed uninterested in ever holding elections was now a fellow freedom fighter boldly in charge of a front-line state. Although Zia spoke in concert with U.S. objectives of supporting Afghan self-determination and opposing the essay list Afghan puppet government, he and essays on migrant his military had their own agenda in Afghanistan. List! Zia chose to favor the more radically Islamic rebel groups who, in some cases, were no more popular or representative than the PDPA. Essays! He was able to divert a disproportionately large share of U.S.-supplied weapons to these groups, especially the most radical one, Hizb-i Islami (Hekmatyar). Later in the war, this would cause significant problems for the rebel movement. Whether the United States blindly yielded to Zia?s favoritism of the fundamentalists or was in connivance with it is still in question.
The relationship between the CIA and Pakistan?s Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate (ISI), the arm of the military responsible for distributing CIA-purchased weapons to essays on quality the rebels, is not well-documented. This author?s interviews with Pakistani officials indicate that U.S. Essays On Migrant! officials in Pakistan were continually advised by the color of water essay thesis ISI officials that Hekmatyar?s Hizb-i Islami was the most effective rebel organization, although some officials from Pakistan?s Foreign Ministry apparently differed with that assessment. Many secular Pakistanis outside of the government worried that foreign aid for Afghan fundamentalists such as Hekmatyar also served to bolster the conservative Islamic forces in Pakistan, including the military. Available documents and chronology show that during the ten-year Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, U.S. officials developed a stronger relationship with Pakistan?s generals than with either the foreign ministry or the civilian opposition. Congress and Covert Aid.
Afghanistan presents a unique case of congressional involvement with a covert aid program. Whereas a divided Congress often impeded the on migrant women Reagan Administration?s efforts to aid the contras in Nicaragua, congressional hard-liners, riding a wave of bipartisan support, consistently and successfully pushed for more covert funding for the Afghan rebels than the White House ever requested. Hence, the debate regarding Afghan aid was relatively narrow in scope although not without tension. The Color Of Water Thesis! While everyone seemed to support Afghan self-determination and a Soviet-free Afghanistan, several members of Congress, backed by conservative lobbying groups, criticized the on migrant administration for not pursuing vigorously enough a mujahidin military victory over the PDPA. Thesis Art Analysis! It was the CIA, ironically, that cautioned against too much covert aid for the rebels. Officials from CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia, including Deputy Director John McMahon, warned Congress that too large a military support operation for the rebels might provoke Soviet retaliation against Pakistan and would certainly be subject to leakages and essays on migrant corruption. The CIA was especially resistant to calls for providing the mujahidin with U.S.-made weaponry. Is The Highest You Can Get On Your Sat Essay! Traditionally, the Agency purchased foreign, usually Soviet-styled, weaponry in order to plausibly deny U.S. involvement if the need arose. Throughout the essays Afghan war, the CIA purchased Soviet-designed weapons from Egypt, China and elsewhere and transported them to what highest you can get on your Pakistan. Cables reveal that Chinese and Egyptian AK-47 rifles and essays women SA-7 anti-aircraft missiles arrived in Pakistan as early as 1980.
This covert purchasing process not only covered U.S. tracks, but ensured the the color thesis availability of weapons that were compatible with the kind captured by the rebels from their Soviet-supplied enemies. In 1984, Congress passed a resolution, introduced by Senator Paul Tsongas (D-Massachusetts) and Congressman Don Ritter (R-Pennsylvania), which called for effective U.S. material aid for the rebels in essays on migrant women, their fight for freedom from foreign domination. Several legislators, particularly Congressman Charlie Wilson (D-Texas) and Senator Gordon Humphrey (R-New Hampshire), tried to use the Tsongas-Ritter resolution to increase the size and the color of water quality of the rebel covert aid program. While Washington and Moscow poured more weapons into Afghanistan, United Nations officials relentlessly pursued a diplomatic solution to end the war. In 1982, the U.N. Secretary-General, Javier P?rez de Cuellar tasked Diego Cordovez to find a way for on migrant women the United Nations to mediate a political settlement in Afghanistan.
For the next six years, Cordovez shuttled back and forth from New York to South Asia to the Soviet Union and to Geneva. He tried to essay convince the on migrant women numerous parties to the conflict?the Afghan government, the various rebel groups, the Soviet Union, Pakistan, the nanotechnology United States and Iran?to narrow their differences so that they could agree on essays women, a set of principles or conditions under which the Soviet military would withdraw from essays Afghanistan. Cordovez and his U.N. Essays Women! colleagues brought Pakistani and Afghan government representatives to Geneva on numerous occasions to discuss conditions for a political settlement. Since Pakistan did not recognize the Afghan government as legitimate, Cordovez literally had to move back and forth between hotel rooms because Pakistani officials refused to sit at the same table with the thesis art analysis paper DRA representatives. Compounding Cordovez?s difficulties was a strong sense of mistrust between the superpowers. On a number of occasions it appeared that Pakistan and Afghanistan were ready to sign an agreement that would prohibit Pakistan from essays on migrant allowing material aid for the rebels to pass through its territory in exchange for a Soviet withdrawal. One or both sides, however, would consistently pull out at the last minute, raising suspicions that either Washington or Moscow was unsatisfied with the timing or conditions of the accord. To most U.S. Essay! officials, these U.N.-sponsored proximity talks looked hopeless or even frightening. In March 1983, Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Lawrence Eagleburger reportedly expressed alarm at women, the prospect that the art analysis paper following round of Geneva negotiations might result in a settlement.
About the on migrant women same time, Charles Cogan, then the CIA?s official in charge of the color essay covert operations in Afghanistan, told a journalist that Pakistan was not about to sign Cordovez?s proposed Geneva Accords at on migrant women, the next round or ever. He added that President Zia accepted the U.S. view that Pakistan?s security is best assured by keeping the Russians tied down [in Afghanistan].(17) On Capitol Hill, similar sentiments were voiced and essays more rebel aid was appropriated. Until the Soviet archives are open it will be impossible to determine how the U.S. hard-line approach affected Soviet policy toward Afghanistan. Was Moscow supporting U.N. efforts as a smokescreen for its strategy of on migrant women subjugating the mujahidin, as Wilson, Humphrey and others argued? Or did increased U.S. aid for the rebels cause the USSR to dig in deeper, suspecting that the United States was not interested in a political solution? Wilson and nanotechnology Humphrey eventually succeeded in galvanizing congressional backing for a stronger rebel military force in Afghanistan. Despite signs of corruption in both the military and humanitarian aid programs as early as 1982, Congress ultimately provided nearly $3 billion in on migrant women, covert aid for the mujahidin, more than all other CIA covert operations in the 1980s combined. By 1987, the United States was providing the rebels with nearly $700 million in highest your, military assistance a year, more than what Pakistan itself was receiving from Washington. In 1984, Wilson used his powerful position on the House Intelligence Committee to tack on an additional $50 million for Afghan covert aid and convinced the CIA to purchase high-quality, Swiss-designed Oerlikon anti-aircraft missiles, which could pierce the essays heavy armor of the USSR?s most formidable counterinsurgency machine, the Hind Mi-24 helicopter.
The CIA went even further in 1985, purchasing the sophisticated British-made Blowpipe anti-aircraft missiles. Argumentative! And in 1986, due to pressure from several congressmen and a number of on migrant bureaucrats at the State and Defense departments, the argumentative essay on interracial CIA provided the mujahidin with U.S.-made Stinger missiles, the most effective shoulder-held anti-aircraft weapon in the world. It was the first time the essays CIA had provided U.S.-made weaponry as part of a covert insurgency support operation, and the legislative branch was largely responsible. The Color! As a congressional staffer later put it: We finally broke the Agency?s virginity. Refugees and U.S. Women! Policy.
The dislocation of 3 million Afghan refugees in Pakistan?one of the most tragic results of the war?was something Congress, the White House and the international community could all agree on: they needed massive assistance. Ultimately one-third of Afghanistan?s pre-war population fled the nanotechnology essay country, testifying to the destruction and chaos caused largely by essays on migrant women heavy Soviet/Afghan government aerial bombing. For political as well as economic reasons, the United States urged other countries to contribute to list references the refugee cause. In 1981, the U.S. On Migrant! Embassy in essays on quality, Islamabad asserted that if funding for the refugees were too visible, it would damage the credibility of the mujahidin by focusing attention on U.S. influence in the Afghan insurgency.(18) Dozens of on migrant non-governmental organizations (NGOs) were willing to help the refugees and rebels as long as they were provided with the necessary resources to do so. The United States channeled a significant amount of essays aid through favored NGOs and urged other countries to on migrant either aid the same organizations or to contribute to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). In the end, no matter who distributed the aid, much of it ended up in the hands of rebel parties, providing them with significant political leverage over the millions of Afghan exiles. In addition to is the highest you can your the humanitarian grounds for providing aid to the refugees in Pakistan, the United States also sought to alleviate political and essays economic pressure on essay references, Islamabad and to help maintain a support structure for the rebels. In 1982, the CIA predicted that the presence of Afghan refugees in Pakistan would help generate political unrest and retard economic development until the end of the century.(19) While many Pakistanis demonstrated great hospitality and tolerance for the refugees, others despised their presence.
Cables from Pakistan reveal violent clashes between Pakistani border tribes and Afghan refugees over scarce resources and political, religious and personal differences. Some disgruntled tribes even took weapons and money from the Afghan government to disrupt rebel supply lines into Afghanistan. In fact, the Afghan government?s infiltration of Pakistan and the rebel parties was extensive and proved key to its survival. The government?s ministry of essays state security, known as KHAD, sought to buy or rent the loyalty of Pashtun tribes who inhabited the assurance Afghanistan-Pakistan border area (the tribes often inhabited both sides of the border). Weapons and essays women money were doled out to tribal militia who in turn interdicted rebel supply operations based in is the get on your, Pakistan. Some tribal leaders responded to Kabul?s material aid with political support, attending government jirgahs (assemblies) and other PDPA-sponsored activities. President Zia tried to undercut the Pakistan-based tribes? support for the Afghan government by, among other means, conducting selective anti-narcotics sweeps through their home areas. Kabul?s strategy, however, continued to essays on migrant be successful, and ultimately contributed to the rise of Najibullah, the KHAD?s director and the man responsible for this counterinsurgency campaign, to the leader of the what is the you can get on DRA in 1986. Other kinds of counterinsurgency operations, including Soviet/Afghan government aerial search-and-destroy missions, as well as insurgency tactics, such as the mujahidin?s hit-and-run attacks on essays, government-held garrisons and cities, were some of the principal causes of the refugee flow into Pakistan. But it was the aerial bombing that inflicted the most damage. Congress, determined to counter what it called a Soviet depopulation campaign, called for an aggressive cross-border humanitarian aid program.
The Agency for International Development (AID) was tasked with implementing this unorthodox program. The objective of AID?s Cross-border Humanitarian Assistance Program (CBHA) was to provide Afghans inside Afghanistan?civilians and rebels alike?with the assurance means to survive without having to flee to on migrant Pakistan. The mass exodus of Afghans had been putting too much pressure on Pakistan, and the empty Afghan villages left the rebels with little material or moral support inside the country. AID funds went toward building hospitals and schools, growing crops, and putting money in the pockets of local residents. The AID reports are actually some of the richest documents in the collection, describing the situation inside the normally inaccessible parts of war-torn Afghanistan and illustrating some of the bizarre politics of the list mujahidin. As part of essays on migrant women a pro-insurgency operation, the program was unique and controversial. AID was being used to art analysis maintain and essays on migrant women build up the rebels? infrastructure.
As one U.S. Essay References! advisor explained to this author in Pakistan: We borrowed a lesson from Mao. The Soviets were trying to drain the on migrant sea to kill the fish [rebels], so we?re trying to keep the sea filled.(20) Public Diplomacy and the First Casualty of War. In addition to providing the rebels with military and on quality humanitarian aid, the United States provided psychological support. In 1983, a unique National Security Decision Directive, number 77, was signed into action to coordinate U.S. Women! government agencies to enhance U.S. Essay! national security and counter anti-American propaganda through public diplomacy. Essays On Migrant Women! U.S. officials had their work cut out for them in Afghanistan where media coverage was hindered by war and essay propaganda. To overcome these obstacles, the National Security Council, in keeping with NSDD 77, formed the inter-agency Afghan Working Group, which met twice a month to discuss ways of increasing media coverage of the war and generating sympathy and support for essays the mujahidin. News coverage of the war was indeed limited, especially when one considers that this was the thesis longest war in Soviet history, the largest CIA paramilitary operation since Vietnam, and, with 1 million dead Afghans, the bloodiest regional conflict in the world at essays on migrant women, the time. What Highest Your Sat Essay! Nevertheless, no major American newspaper saw fit to station a reporter in Peshawar, Pakistan, the on migrant base of rebel political and military operations, and American television crews rarely ventured up to the Khyber Pass for a glimpse of the war.
A major reason for this, of nanotechnology course, was the essays women risk involved in reporting a guerrilla war, especially this one. A journalist who wished to go inside faced a number of hazards ranging from contracting a serious disease to the chance of being killed in an air raid or ambush. What coverage there was tended to be biased toward the on interracial dating mujahidin. Several factors explain this. Foreign correspondents and essays stringers who did go to Peshawar or managed to go inside with the rebels encountered thousands of uprooted Afghans who all had horrific stories to tell about losing homes and relatives to Soviet/Afghan government counterinsurgency operations. Indeed, craters from what is the highest you can get on Soviet bombs marked the landscape, villages were often emptied of their inhabitants, and many Afghans who found their way to on migrant women Pakistan walked the streets with artificial limbs, victims of land mines. In addition, the Afghan government often proved to be an unreliable source of information, causing Western journalists to rely heavily on U.S. officials for details of the war.
The DRA in 1980, for example, reported how Walter Cronkite (apparently confusing him with Dan Rather) on a visit into Afghanistan had ordered the execution of art analysis paper two Afghans?Islamic style. That same year the essays women DRA expelled 18 Western journalists for biased coverage. On Quality Assurance! When the government allowed journalists to return to the country in 1986, the journalists discovered in Kabul another side to the story: victims of rebel land mines and indiscriminate mujahidin rocket attacks on the capital. Thus, for much of the war most reporters found it physically and journalistically safer to rely on Western diplomatic sources in Pakistan, the cover for U.S. Essays On Migrant! officials at the Consulate in what highest you can get on your, Peshawar or the Embassy in Islamabad. Despite the pro-mujahidin slant of essays women Western news coverage, however, U.S. Thesis! officials still complained of its limited nature. In 1985, Senator Humphrey sought to remedy that problem. He pushed legislation through Congress that tasked the United States Information Agency (USIA) to teach Afghan rebels how to film and women write about their jihad.
The USIA subcontracted Boston University?s School of Communications to train Afghans in Peshawar to become television and newsprint journalists. This program stirred controversy, drawing criticism from professors at the university and thesis paper several American journalists who called the exercise in public diplomacy a government propaganda operation. Documents on essays on migrant, the project, which went forth despite the criticism, show how the essay list references United States worked with rebel parties, Pakistan, a CBS cameraman and several private organizations to increase and improve coverage of the essays on migrant women war. The United States was also able to influence coverage by taking advantage of essay dating Western journalists? inability to cover the war extensively first-hand. Once a week, a USIA officer in Islamabad would read to foreign journalists portions of a Situation Report originating from the Embassy in Kabul. These Sitreps were to serve two purposes. They provided U.S. officials at home and abroad with detailed information on the political and military situation in Afghanistan. They also formed part of the Afghan Working Group?s press and public information strategy to punch holes in the Soviet news blackout. The press, however, was usually allowed to essays on migrant hear only the first several pages of the Sitrep, which gave a relatively simplistic overview of the situation in the country, paying special attention to government human rights abuses and mujahidin military gains. The following 20-25 detail-filled pages of the many now declassified Sitreps depicted a much more complicated and bizarre war being fought on more levels than just that of Soviet-backed communists against freedom-fighting Muslims. Beyond the refugee camps and press conferences in Pakistan, a real and very destructive war was going on inside Afghanistan.
Cables from Kabul, AID cross-border reports, DIA summaries and journal articles by the few reporters who bravely ventured into war zones reveal how pockets of essay mountain tribesmen, toting Chinese automatic rifles and U.S. Stinger missiles, went up against well-armed Soviet and Afghan government forces. Rebel hit-and-run attacks, assassinations of PDPA members, car bombs, rocket attacks on government-held garrisons and cities and other guerrilla tactics were met with massive aerial bombardments, mine-sowing operations, bribes and civic action campaigns from Kabul. Places like Paghman, Khost, the Panjshir Valley, Sarobi, and Jalalabad, where the mujahidin continually bogged Soviet forces down, became familiar names to observers of this war just as Hue and Khe Sanh had in Vietnam, where for years Viet Cong rebels tied down U.S. and South Vietnamese troops. But as fierce as they were, the on migrant women Muj were not the Viet Cong. It is true that U.S. Is The Highest You Can Get On Your Sat Essay! military aid improved the rebels? battlefield performance. One Pentagon report claimed that Stingers forced more tactical and air support changes in women, the last quarter of 1986 and essays assurance the first quarter of on migrant 1987 than in the previous 7 years of the conflict.(21) Also, more and better land mines allowed the rebels to disrupt Soviet supply lines and ground communications, which were already hampered by the lack of essays on quality railways and good roads. No matter how much military, humanitarian, or psychological support the essays women United States provided them, however, the mujahidin remained fractious. It was not uncommon for one rebel group to turn its guns on another. The United States was well aware of rebel infighting even before the Soviet intervention.
In 1979, rebel leaders confided to U.S. officials that they likened the is the highest you can sat essay idea of a dissident provisional government to putting five different animals in the same cage.(22) Saudi Arabia managed to stimulate some rebel unity by withholding aid from the various mujahidin parties until they agreed to coalesce and essays women form a united opposition front. Is The Get On Your! Yet foreign aid often did more to divide the essays rebels than to nanotechnology essay unite them. The Saudi government, which deposited many of its contributions into a CIA Swiss bank account, also gave direct support to several fundamentalist groups. Women! Some of these groups practiced Wahabbism, a puritanical brand of Islam which was alien to what highest your the majority of essays on migrant Afghans. Iran supported the Shiite rebels, who played an important military role in the western part of the country but were left out of power-sharing arrangements made by the Sunni alliance in Peshawar. For its part, the Pakistani military doled out a disproportionate amount of CIA-purchased weapons to Hekmatyar?s radical Hizb-i Islami party, which often used the arms against argumentative on interracial rival rebel groups. The lack of unity impeded rebel attempts to overthrow the PDPA. The more moderate, or traditionalist, rebel groups, such as those led by Sibghatullah Mojaddedi and essays on migrant women Sayyid Ahmad Gailani, proposed finding a unifying leader, and what highest your sat essay they had a candidate: former king Zahir Shah.
In July 1987, a poll conducted among Afghan refugees by the independent Afghan Information Center indicated popular support for Zahir Shah as an alternative head of state for Afghanistan. Hekmatyar and other leaders denounced the poll as propaganda by the monarchists. But U.S. officials had evidence from their own observations and conversations that many Afghans might unite around the former king for an interim period if only to help find a more expedient way to negotiate a Soviet withdrawal and an end to the war. Many Afghans also believed that the king, who they conceded could have been a stronger leader during his 40-year reign, was someone they could rally around to oppose the unpopular, but powerful, Hekmatyar. Diego Cordovez and essays on migrant his U.N. team also recognized the king as a potential key to a settlement and kept in thesis art analysis, regular contact with Zahir Shah?s representatives at on migrant, his Rome residence. Pakistan, however, refused to nanotechnology essay grant Zahir Shah a visa and kept a close eye on pro-Zahir activities. Pakistan?s President Zia and his supporters in the military were determined to put a conservative Islamic ally in on migrant, power in Kabul. U.S. officials and private experts yielded to the Pakistani military?s objective, some supporting it, others rationalizing that the essay dating king?s return would do little good. Some of these officials argued that as a result of the war, Afghanistan had experienced a social change: political power, they claimed, had shifted away from the tribal leaders, the maliks, and the king?s Mohammadzai clan and toward the mujahidin commanders and on migrant women their political/religious leaders in list references, Peshawar.
The Soviet presence and Islam, they reasoned, had united Afghans of different tribes and essays ethnic groups to fight a common enemy. That unity was soon put to a test. On February 8, 1988, Mikhail Gorbachev surprised the world by announcing that the list Soviet Union would withdraw its 100,000 troops from Afghanistan. Three days later, in the midst of celebrations in Peshawar, Professor Sayyid Majruh, the man responsible for conducting the controversial Afghan Information Center poll that had shown substantial support for Zahir Shah, was assassinated in his office. His death, still a mystery, was soon followed by a string of assassinations and women acts of intimidation against other Afghan intellectuals who shared one basic sentiment: they were almost as opposed to nanotechnology essay a fundamentalist government in essays, Afghanistan as they were a communist one. Divisions among anti-government Afghans would only widen further. The Geneva Accords and the Soviet Withdrawal. In some ways the fragmented nature of the rebel movement worked to get on your sat essay its advantage for essays much of the war. The USSR could find no central rebel base of operations to bomb, no one strategy planning meeting to infiltrate, no single popular leader to negotiate with?or eliminate.
The mujahidin?s steady harassment came from all directions in this war without borders. Gen. Boris Gromov, the last commander of the Soviet 40th Army in Afghanistan, boasted on his last day in the country that [n]o Soviet garrison or major outpost was ever overrun.(23) In this guerrilla war, however, that proved irrelevant. By late 1986, the list Kremlin decided that the war had become too costly. Hundreds of thousands of Soviet men had rotated in on migrant, and out of service in is the get on your, Afghanistan and brought home all the signs of a losing, unpopular struggle: low morale, criticism of the essays government?s Afghan policy, drug and alcohol abuse, and more.
The war also hit home in other ways. Billions of rubles were spent on Afghanistan instead of the crumbling Soviet economy. In the essay troubled Central Asian republics, Soviet Muslims had come into essays on migrant women, contact with the Afghan jihad when, at various points during the war, rebel bands crossed the sensitive Soviet border to foment unrest among the Islamic population. The impact of the Afghan war on Soviet Muslims? later demands for independence remains unclear. The Soviet Union was also changing its approach toward the Third World.
Gorbachev and his advisors, faced with staggering economic problems, thought that previous Soviet administrations had given too much unconditional support to Third World governments, some of which seemed to rely more on Soviet aid than broadly based domestic support. Gorbachev decided to tie future foreign assistance to certain understandings, one being that the recipient government had to you can get on your sat essay concentrate on building a broad base of support before implementing social and economic reforms. Afghanistan, which enjoyed a special position in Moscow?s strategy to protect the Soviets Union?s sensitive southern border, was no exception to women Gorbachev?s new Third World policy. In December 1986, Gorbachev informed Afghan President Najibullah in essay on interracial dating, Moscow that the Soviet military commitment to his government was limited.(24) Najibullah returned to Kabul and immediately launched a policy called national reconciliation, an essays effort to broaden the government?s political support base. References! He announced a cease-fire and an amnesty for armed oppositionists.(25) But the war went on. Documents show that some U.S. officials in Moscow, Washington, D.C., and Kabul remained unconvinced of essays women Soviet intentions to withdraw for quite some time.
In some cases, suspicions of Moscow?s ultimate objectives lingered until the very end of the the color essay thesis Soviet pull-out. In November 1988, three months before the withdrawal was to be completed, a top official in the U.S. Embassy in Kabul claimed that the Soviet leadership might cancel their pull-out to essays on migrant women prevent Najibullah?s government from unraveling. Although most of his colleagues disagreed, the is the highest you can get on your sat essay diplomat?s suspicion illustrates a point: U.S. policy toward Afghanistan right up to the end of the Soviet occupation was based on a deep mistrust of essays women Moscow?s goals, a mistrust which continued well after the withdrawal. Policy-makers argued that if Moscow succeeded in art analysis paper, keeping the on migrant women PDPA in what highest your sat essay, power, then excessive Soviet influence in Afghanistan would continue. With Iran still hostile to the United States, regional stability remained threatened. On Capitol Hill, key legislators such as Humphrey, Wilson and others also distrusted the Soviet initiatives.
Months before the U.N.-sponsored Geneva Accords were to be signed in April 1988, they galvanized enough congressional support to stop the White House from guaranteeing the women agreement until President Reagan had promised to thesis art analysis paper continue arming the mujahidin even after the USSR had withdrawn. As a co-guarantor of the accords, the United States was obligated to cut aid to the rebels on essays, the first day of the essays on quality pull-out. Humphrey and others protested that this would leave the rebels at a military disadvantage since Kabul would continue receiving aid from Moscow. Secretary of State George Shultz took this matter up with Soviet officials suggesting that both sides cease supplying their respective clients when the withdrawal began, a proposal he called negative restraint. The Soviet Union and Najibullah refused, unwilling to accord the Afghan rebels the same legitimacy as the Afghan government. Soviet and Afghan officials, however, fearing a possible rebel onslaught following the essays Soviet withdrawal, tried desperately to negotiate a power-sharing agreement with the mujahidin leaders. The rebels refused, calling the offer a ploy to keep the PDPA in power. Essays Assurance! Due to congressional pressure and over women, Soviet objections, the argumentative essay on interracial United States created a separate, unwritten clause to the Geneva Accords which stipulated that Washington could aid the women rebels as long as the Soviet Union aided Kabul. The United States called this stipulation positive symmetry. Other complications almost prevented the signing of the accords. At the last minute, after the United Nations had convinced the you can Soviet Union to drop its demand for a coalition government as a precondition to signing, Pakistan insisted on women, the formation of a rebel-dominated interim government, made up largely of nanotechnology essay rebel and other non-PDPA elements, before it would sign.
President Reagan called President Zia and assured him that the United States would stand by on migrant the rebels until they seized power, and that since the what is the highest you can get on your sat essay USSR was probably going to withdraw with or without an on migrant agreement, Pakistan ought to sign. Besides, the White House had been advised that the PDPA would fall to the rebels shortly after Soviet troops had gone. On April 14, 1988, the governments of Afghanistan and Pakistan agreed?with the what highest you can your sat essay USSR and the United States acting as their co-guarantors?to refrain from any form of interference in each other?s territory, and to essays give all Afghan refugees the opportunity to return voluntarily to their homeland. Essay List References! For their part, the superpowers pledged to stop interfering in Afghanistan, with the USSR agreeing to withdraw its troops. Except for the agreement on the withdrawal, the other elements of the accords would be rendered obsolete by positive symmetry. To Washington, however, that seemed not to matter, for a rebel military victory appeared to be right around the corner. Essays Women! On May 15, 1988, Soviet troops began their ten month withdrawal from art analysis Afghanistan. 1. United States Department of State, The Nature of the on migrant Afghanistan Opposition, August 16, 1979. 2. David Gibbs, Does the USSR Have a Grand Strategy?
Journal of Peace Research , Volume 24, Number 1, 1987: p. 368. 3. United States Department of State, Elements of U.S. Policy toward Afghanistan, March 27, 1962. 4. United States Department of State, Annual Policy Assessment, March 9, 1976. 5. Maxwell J. Nanotechnology! Fry, The Afghan Economy. Leiden, Netherlands: E.J. Brill, 1974, p. 4. 6. United States Department of State, 1971 Policy Assessment: Policy Review-A U.S. Strategy for the 1970s, June 26, 1971. 7. United States Central Intelligence Agency, Mohammad Daud: President of women Afghanistan, August 13, 1973. 8. United States Department of State, Afghanistan in 1977: An External Assessment, January 30, 1978.
9. United States Department of State, The Afghan Coup, April 30, 1988. 10. Zbigniew Brzezinski, Power and Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Adviser . New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 1983, p. 427. 11. Author?s interview with Pakistani military official, Peshawar, Pakistan, November 1988. 12. United States Defense Intelligence Agency, Intelligence Commentary, January 7, 1980. 13. Carter Would Fight for Persian Gulf; Seeks to Resume Draft Registration. Washington Post , January 24, 1980.
14. Author?s interview with present and former U.S. officials, Washington, D.C., 1988-1989. 15. Author?s interview with Viacheslav I. Dashichev, Moscow, November 1988. 16.
United States Department of State, Afghanistan and Pakistan, March 1980. 17. Selig S. Nanotechnology Essay! Harrison, Inside the on migrant Afghan Talks. What You Can Get On Your Sat Essay! Foreign Policy, Fall 1988: p. 41. 18. United States Department of State, Afghan Refugee Relief Update, November 16, 1988.
19. Central Intelligence Agency, Pakistan: Population Problems and Political Stability, November 1982. 20. Author?s interview with U.S. Embassy advisor, Peshawar, Pakistan, November 1988. 21. United States Army, Impact of the Stinger Missile on on migrant women, Soviet and thesis Resistance Tactics in on migrant women, Afghanistan, March 1989. 22. United States Department of State, Nature of the Afghan Opposition, August 16, 1979.
23. United States Army, Lessons from the thesis War in Afghanistan, June 1989. 24. A Diplomatic Solution to Stalemate: Gorbachev Never Wedded to the War. Washington Post , April 17, 1988.
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essay introductory The purpose of women this brief essay is to serve as an introduction both to the column itself and to the slide collection on this website. Links have been provided to selected images, with the intent of both illustrating the text and giving the reader a taste of quality and essay diversity of the images available. Marcus Ulpius Traianus, Roman Emperor AD 98-117 Trajan was born in on migrant about the is the highest get on your sat essay, year AD 53 in Spain, the son of a Consul and thus a member of a noble Roman family. He showed such prowess in on migrant women public and military service that he was chosen by Nerva to be his successor on the Imperial throne.
Trajan was formally adopted in AD 98 by Nerva, who then promptly died and left the not-so-young man (he was likely about 45) emperor. Only three years later Trajan embarked on the first of what were to be two great and difficult wars against the Dacians, fairly highly civilized Germanic 'barbarians' who lived across the Danube in the area of modern Romania. The Dacians were led by the intelligent and nanotechnology essay skilful Decebalus, who made the war hard for the Romans. Nonetheless, Trajan and his army were victorious, and he returned to Rome the next year to celebrate a fine triumph and to receive the award of the title Dacicus. All was not well on essays on migrant women the Danube, however, and Trajan returned to Dacia in 105. Trajan's motives are not clear - and indeed, they are not above suspicion, for he was rumoured to be hungry for military glory. Essays On Quality Assurance? Nonetheless, the result of this new campaign was unambiguous: this time Dacia was not only defeated but also incorporated into the Roman Empire as a new province. Trajan embarked on further conquests later in his reign, but it was for the Dacian wars and his subsequent grand building projects in the Eternal City that he is most remembered - and rightly so. Trajan returned to Rome with a vast quantity of booty, which he proceeded to spend in essays on migrant grand style.
He was praised by the Romans of his time for his building of roads and aqueducts, but the crowning glory of Trajan's Rome was not built of brick or basalt, but out of coloured, polished marble, bronze, and gold. These were the materials of argumentative essay on interracial Trajan's new Forum, a massive building project which dwarfed all the earlier Imperial Fora. From the earliest days of the city, the hub of on migrant women Roman business, politics, and ceremony had been the Forum Romanum. Located at the base of the Palatine hill just south of the capital, the Forum Romanum was embellished over essay the years with temples, places of meeting and business, and various honours to famous citizens. Here, politicians debated, citizens met, talked, and voted, priests made sacrifices, and triumphant generals rode through on their way to the Capitol. On special occasions, gladiators even fought to the death while spectators looked on from temporary wooden stands. By the time of Caesar, however, the old forum was no longer large enough to handle all the business which needed to be transacted. Some of these activities were moved elsewhere: for example, new facilities for voting were constructed on the Campus Martius, removing a major political function of the old Forum. Essays On Migrant Women? The other approach to this problem of space was to thesis, construct supplementary venues nearby. Caesar, Augustus, and essays women Nerva each built new fora to the north east of the old Forum, but still linked to it and to references, each other by doors and passageways.
Domitian is on migrant women said to have started construction on a fourth imperial forum, but work on this ceased at his death. Of Water Essay? Thus, it was left to Trajan to fill the need for essays on migrant, yet more forum space. Trajan did more, however, than simply provide more space for the public business of Rome; he constructed at the same time a monument to himself and to the glory of the Empire. The two main elements of the on interracial, new Forum of essays on migrant Trajan were an open piazza and a basilica, and thesis art analysis paper both were astonishingly large. The entire Forum of Nerva would have fit within the basilica, and the piazza, its open area alone measuring more than 80m in width and 120m in length, was large enough to hold almost the entire Forum of Augustus. This piazza, the heart of the Forum, was paved with imported marbles and surrounded by a colonnade. Atop this colonnade were inscriptions stating that the whole complex had been built using the spoils of on migrant war taken by the emperor. One of the functions of this massive open space was to provide a setting for public business and essay list references ceremony. For example, the successor of essays women Trajan, Hadrian, performed in it a great ceremony of burning debt records. Essays On Quality? Later, during a time of dire military need, the emperor Marcus Aurelius used it as a venue for a great auction of the imperial possessions. Another function was to essays on migrant women, provide a display area in which to you can get on, exhibit honours to great Romans.
Naturally, the greatest honour went to women, Trajan himself, who was immortalised by a great equestrian statue, cast in bronze, gilded, and placed atop a pedestal in you can get on your the centre of the piazza. The size of this statue was so great that it defied replication by any later rulers. When the emperor Constantius visited the Forum of Trajan in the 4th century, he declared somewhat rashly that he would order a copy of this horse to be made. One of his companions, a Persian prince named Ormisda, replied wittily that first the emperor should build a new stable, if he could, so that the proposed new steed might roam as freely as the one they saw before them. The base of this statue has recently been discovered in the centre of the Forum piazza, and its measurements give us an idea of the size of the horse which Constantius desired to copy: the horse and rider together (not including the base) may have been as much as 12 metres tall. By comparison, the famous equestrian statue of essays on migrant women Marcus Aurelius, which now stands on the Capitol, is only about one third as large. Beyond the eastern end of the piazza was a multi-level market, in of water thesis which spices and other luxuries were sold. The solid brickwork of this structure has proven so enduring that, except for the column, it is today the best preserved element of the forum complex. The north end of the essays, piazza was dominated by the basilica.
Its huge interior space (120m by 55m) was covered by a timber and tile roof supported on a forest of massive columns, and was enlarged by on quality assurance, the provision of apses at each end. Its decoration was sumptuous. The walls and floor were clad in marble, and the roof was covered with bronze tiles thickly gilded. This sheltered yet extremely imposing space would have provided a suitable setting for public business, especially important trials. The dual apses, unusual for a Roman basilica, may have been added to essays women, double the space available for essay references, such affairs. When finally sated with the sights of the grand piazza, exhausted by the bustle of the market, and overwhelmed by the fervent pleading of the advocates in the basilica, a visitor could exit the essays on migrant women, north side of the basilica and enter a much different environment. Walking out through the last row of imposing columns, our visitor would emerge into a small courtyard on the other side of the basilica. This courtyard was flanked to the west and east by two libraries, one for Latin and one for Greek texts. It is not certain what lay to the north. Essay? A temple to the divine Trajan has been suggested, but no remains of such a building have been found in this area. However, a visitora's attention would be immediately drawn to the imposing monument which stood in essays on migrant the centre of the what highest get on your, court: the column of Trajan.
The column of Trajan was a unique monument. It consisted of a 100-foot tall marble column set atop a massive rectangular base, topped by a gilded statue of the emperor himself. Columnar monuments, albeit smaller in scale, were not new to the Romans; there were three things, however, which made this monument particularly novel: the chamber carved in its base to house Trajan's ashes, the essays on migrant women, spiral staircase which wound upwards within its otherwise solid marble shaft to a viewing platform at its top, and, most of essay list references all, the continuous sculpted frieze which decorates the exterior of the essays on migrant, column. These carvings depict the events of essay references both Dacian wars, with an essays apparent accuracy of detail that has led some scholars to nanotechnology essay, speculate that they were modelled on a war commentary written by Trajan himself. The wars are shown as a series of vignettes or scenes which each illustrate specific events. The scenes cover the entire range of Roman military activity, from on migrant, fighting to collecting food, from essay, marching to building. They also show many details of the land the Romans passed through - and of the essays women, enemies they fought. The figures in the carvings (over 2,000 appear) are executed at about 2/3 life size, and are so finely detailed that they cannot be fully appreciated from the ground.
This exquisite detail has, in fact, presented modern scholars with a problem in understanding just how an ancient Roman would have experienced the column. The first thing a visitor to the Column of Trajan would see would be the base, covered with detailed carvings representing spoils of war captured from the Dacians. The carvings which cover the Column itself, though easily accessible to us today through photographs and casts, would have been very difficult, if not impossible, for an ancient Roman spectator to appreciate in full. The Color Essay? From ground level, only the lowest spirals are visible in detail. To make matters more difficult, the small size of the court in which the column was placed would not have allowed people to essays on migrant women, step very far back from the essay on interracial dating, monument, increasing the difficulty of viewing the upper spirals. It has been proposed that the women, roofs of the two flanking libraries could have been used as viewing platforms (the height of the color of water essay thesis these may have been about equivalent to the current street level from essays on migrant women, which visitors now peer at the column). Even if this was the case, however, it would have only of water thesis, allowed the spectator to view a few more spirals and it would have been impossible to follow the essays women, circular narrative of the relief.
This of the color of water thesis course raises the question of why such great pains were taken to cover the entire surface of the Column with such detailed relief if could not have been appreciated in full. There are some possible explanations, including the argument that any Roman observer would have been familiar with the essays on migrant women, story which the relief narrates and would not have needed to see all the scenes in detail to understand the what is the you can get on, monument, but no explanation is wholly satisfying. What is on migrant women clear, however, is that the Romans were well aware of this problem with visibility: when the Column of essay Marcus Aurelius was carved about on migrant women, 70 years later, its designers increased the nanotechnology, height of the spiral band and cut much deeper into the stone to make the figures easier to on migrant women, see. However, it must be remembered that the relief is not all that there is to the Column of Trajan. The sculpture, while doubtless as impressive to thesis paper, the ancient viewer as to the modern one, was not the only 'interface' through which a visitor was meant to experience the essays on migrant, column. The second crucial aspect of the nanotechnology essay, Column of on migrant women Trajan, and one which is unfortunately seldom experienced by essay references, modern visitors, is the combination of spiral stairway and viewing platform. Even to a modern visitor, accustomed to office towers and glass elevators, the experience of climbing the column's stairs and on migrant viewing Rome from 120 feet in the air is quite impressive; for the ancient Roman, living before the age of the skyscraper and also at a time when the dating, Forum of Trajan was intact, the effect would doubtless have been even greater. The staircase itself is carved and finished so precisely that one could think it a modern addition.
The spiral of the essays on migrant, stair itself serves to thoroughly disorient an ascending visitor. The windows, one every quarter turn, were the only source of the color essay light and are placed at such a height that it is impossible to see anything but sky. On Migrant Women? The whole experience of what climbing the essays on migrant women, column, then, involves a long, twisting ascent, punctuated by bright rectangles of light and culminating finally in a sudden 'epiphany' as the climber emerges into the bright light of day on the viewing platform. The first thing our visitor would see would be the newly constructed Markets of Trajan, cut into the slope of the Quirinal hill. Turning to the right, our visitor would be able to gaze along the length of Trajan's Forum all the way down to the Colosseum (view from top) This view would have been dominated by the massive roof of the Basilica Ulpia, with its gilded bronze tiles blazing in the sun. Another quarter turn would face the visitor to essay dating, the Capitol, and women a further turn to complete the circuit would provide a view out over the Campus Martius. How might the impact of such an experience have compared with standing on the ground, craning one's neck while squinting at the spiral relief carvings? (View from bottom) Conceivably, the the color essay, ascent and resulting view may have been thought of by the column's designers as a more important device for on migrant, experiencing the column than the carvings themselves. The construction and finishing of Trajan's column was a monumental task.
At Luna (near Cararra in northern Italy) workers quarried the components of the column: eight solid marble blocks for list, the base, twenty massive marble drums measuring three and a half meters in diameter for the column shaft and capital. These were shipped down the coast and up the River Tiber, and essays on migrant women then dragged to the construction site near the Capitol. Once the base had been assembled, work on the column drums could begin. Each drum likely arrived in a roughly cylindrical shape from the essays on quality assurance, quarry; prior to putting each in place, it would have been necessary to make them into the final desired shape and to cut the internal stairway. This task would have required precise measuring and very careful carving. As each drum was lifted into place, it was secured to the one below by metal dowels fitted into the upper and essays on migrant women lower faces of the drums and secured with lead. The lead was poured in via a channel cut into the upper face of the lower drum; it was these channels which medieval scavengers used to guide them to list, the metal dowels, leaving large pits hacked into the surface of the Column at various places along the essays women, drum joins.
When was the spiral relief itself carved?[footnote 1] This question has been much debated, but evidence from the reliefs themselves seems to the color of water essay, indicate that the column drums were carved after they had been put in place, and on migrant perhaps carving actually began before all the drums had been raised. The carving appears to essay, have started from the bottom and proceeded left to right up the shaft in a spiral. This spiral, it seems, was not marked out carefully in advance but rather was improvised as the carving proceeded. The top border of the essays on migrant, spiral was generally not defined as the frieze was carved, but was left to be formed by the ground line of the spiral as it wrapped around and up the column. Often, objects from the lower spiral can be seen jutting into the groundline of the art analysis, spiral above, which is on migrant often dramatically adjusted to avoid interfering with the scene below. Sometimes it seems that the carving of the argumentative essay on interracial dating, reliefs got ahead of the carving and assembly of the drums. This is indicated by cases where the upper border of a spiral follows along the upper edge of essays on migrant a drum, while the lower border continues to rise. The construction site must have been a scene of hectic activity. The height of the spiral varies greatly, from the color of water essay thesis, about 0.8 m to slightly over 1.5 m. One might think that the sculptors would have made the upper spirals greater in height to make the essays on migrant women, images easier to see, but this was not the case.
In fact, the spiral maintains approximately the same width (1.1-1.2m) between the 1st and the 13th turn, then gets narrower as it proceeds up the column, shrinking to its narrowest at the 19th spiral, and then only on the last two drums widens to its greatest size. A possible explanation for this phenomenon is highest you can get on that the on migrant women, sculptors were not sure just how much space they were going to have to fit in all their scenes. This makes even more sense if the column was assembled while the sculpture was in progress: only when the final drums were placed on top of the column were the sculptors finally sure of how much space they had. Argumentative Dating? Indeed, they appear to have realized that they had more space than they thought - thus the greater height of the final spirals. The sculptors, however, had methods of dealing with this problem of uncertain space. Many of their scenes could be compressed or extended as need be to make best use of the available area. A good example is the on migrant, adlocutio scene, which consists generally of Trajan on art analysis a podium flanked by his officers and addressing the essays women, troops assembled below. If little space was available for such a scene, the assembled soldiery could be tightly packed into an L shape before the podium; if more space was available, or if more space needed to be filled, the soldiers could be spread out.
Details such as this, taken into consideration with the varying height of the nanotechnology essay, spiral, suggest that the sculptors did not have the benefit of essays on migrant women a detailed mockup or cartoon to guide them in their work. How did the carvers and sculptors actually execute their work? The roughest work would have been done with large, heavy picks, hacking away chunks of nanotechnology marble to women, form the drums into roughly the desired shape. Then hand-held chisels would have been used, first large ones, including a point chisel (a carving tool with a single point), and then finer tools such as tooth chisels (with multiple small points). In some cases, particularly at edges and angles, a flat chisel (with a sharp straight blade at its end) was used to bring the the color of water thesis, stone to a fine, accurate finish. No evidence of point chisel marks remains on the column, but traces of the on migrant women, marks left by tooth and flat chisels can be seen inside the column. The exterior of the column is even more finely finished. There are no traces of either the point or tooth chisel left anywhere on the sculpted frieze, although we know from examples of unfinished Roman carvings that these tools were used to rough out the carved images. Instead, the surface shows the marks of even finer tools, mainly flat and round-headed chisels, scrapers (a fine-toothed tool used to scrape away stone), and rasps -this image needs rotation. It seems that these tools were essentially the same as the hand tools still used by modern sculptors.
Sometimes figures were outlined with a channelling tool (a chisel with a flat, narrow blade), apparently to make them stand out better from the background. No part of the frieze was ever brought to a polished finish, but every preserved portion of the essay, original surface shows some sort of tool mark. The years have taken their toll on the surface of the column's carvings. The original surface, where it is preserved, appears as dark brownish-gray areas. In these areas the detail is sharp and tool marks are preserved. Other areas of the column have had this original surface stripped off by weathering and pollution, and appear greyish-white, granular, and on migrant have fuzzy details. The difference between these two types of surface is very clear on the stone. (See View of contrasting surfaces). The column's frieze was not fully complete once the carving had been finished, however. Provisions were made in nanotechnology many places for metal attachments to be added, mainly tools and weapons held by soldiers, and small holes were drilled into many hands for these miniature implements to be inserted. It seems, however, that this process was rather haphazardly executed. The original carvers gave some soldiers weapons and tools carved in stone, but left the hands of others empty, apparently awaiting metal attachments.
In the end, however, not all of these hands were filled and on migrant many of the column's figures were left working or fighting with invisible weapons. Some scenes even have some carved weapons, some hands empty but drilled for metal attachments, and some hands left entirely empty, without even holes provided. It is often thought that the reliefs of Trajan's column were once painted, and essay that this painting would have helped make them easier to essays on migrant, see. However, there appears to be no trace of any paint anywhere on the column, and what is the you can sat essay it also may be doubted whether the essays on migrant, addition of bright paint to essay thesis, such small, detailed reliefs would have made them any easier to make out. Some Further Reading on Trajan's Column and its Sculpture. C. Cichorius, Die Reliefs der Trajanssäule , Berlin 1896, 1900. The first full photographic coverage of the column, using photos of the plaster casts, and on migrant women the source for essays, the standard scene numbering. P.J.E. Davies, The Politics of Perpetuation.
Trajana's Column and the Art of Commemoration, American Journal of Archaeology 101 (1997), pp. 41-46. Discusses the important funerary aspects of the column. F. Lepper and S. On Migrant Women? Frere, Trajan's Column , Gloucester 1988. A reprint of Cichorius' photos with an extensive commentary in English. P.M.
Monti, La Colonna Traiana , Rome 1980. A short work but with some good detail shots and a useful (if sometimes innacurate) set of line drawings. J.E. Packer, The Forum of Trajan in what highest you can get on your sat essay Rome: A Study of the on migrant women, Monuments , Berkeley and Los Angeles 1997. A comprehensive study of the forum complex, with extensive plans, drawings, photos, and full-colour reconstructions based on meticulous research into all aspects of the complexa's architecture and adornment. I. Richmond, Trajan's Army on Trajan's Column , London 1982 (reprint of essays article published in 1935 in women the Papers of the British School at Rome) A comprehensive study of all aspects of the Roman army as seen on the column, well illustrated. Along with this should be read J.C.
Coulston's article The Value of Trajan's Column as a Source of Military Equipment in Roman Military Equipment: The Sources of Evidence (British Archaeological Reports International Series 476, 1989), pages 31-44, which raises a number of essay important caveats for anyone studying the column from essays, a military perspective. P. Rockwell, Prelimary Study of the on quality, Carving Techniques on the Column of Trajan, pp. 101-111 in Marmi Antichi (Studi Miscellanei 26, 1985). Ibid., The Art of Stoneworking: a Reference Guide , Cambridge 1993. L. Rossi, Trajan's Column and the Dacian Wars , translated by J.M.C.
Toynbee, London 1971. An examination of the essays on migrant, Roman army and its Dacian campaign as depicted on thesis the column. Although he likely reads too much into certain details (see the warnings of Coulston, in the reference given above), Rossi provides a very handy narrative survey of the column's relief, illustrated with small photographic sections of the frieze. S. Settis, A. La Regina, G. Agosti, and V. Farinella, La Colonna Traiana , Rome 1988. Colour photos of the entire column, with more detail visible than on essays on migrant women the Cichorius plates but flatter looking in relief. http://www.artsednet.getty.edu/ArtsEdNet/Exhibitions/Trajan/index.html An excellent site focussed on the Getty Museum's project to create a computer model of the Forum of Trajan. Many images in video format are available, which help to give an impression of what the forum might have looked like in Roman times.
http://www.traiano.com/inglese/testi_html/home.htm The official Italian excavation site for current work in the forum of Trajan. The June 1999 excavation news contains a report on the discovery of the base of the list, equestrian statue of Trajan. For the following I am greatly indebted to essays women, Peter Rockwell for many discussions on what is the you can get on sat essay the various theories and for much clarification on women (and some first hand experience of) the practicalities of marble carving.
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Fax Cover Sheets (How-To + 29 Templates) Even though the essays on migrant, very first fax machine was made in 1842, today, fax machines are still not considered relics of the past. There are 17 million fax machines in the color essay, the U.S. alone, and essays women 17 billion faxes are sent worldwide each year! At many jobs or internships, you may need to send faxes. Let’s take a look at why the nanotechnology, fax machine is women, still thriving, and what you need to know about faxes and fax cover sheets. Below, you’ll find our free fax cover sheet templates, which you can download and is the highest you can your print to make sending a fax easy. Online faxing has provided a new way to send faxes, but many still send them the old-fashioned way.
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Both traditional and online faxes can require a cover sheet. It is considered more professional to include a cover sheet with a fax. Essay On Interracial Dating! That way, all the necessary information is easy for essays, the recipient to essay on interracial locate. You can ask at your job or internship whether they expect faxes to essays be sent with a cover sheet. What Should a Fax Cover Sheet Include? A fax cover sheet contains important information that needs to be organized and easy to read quickly. It identifies who the sender of the fax is, who it is what highest get on sat essay, intended for, and includes contact information for both parties. This helps ensure the fax ends up in the right hands, and that the sender can be contacted easily.
A professional fax cover sheet will typically have this information: Company name (sender) Company name (recipient) Date Fax number (sender) Fax number (recipient) Phone number (sender) Phone number (recipient) Number of on migrant pages (including cover sheet) A professional fax cover sheet might also have this optional information: Company logo (sender) Company tagline (sender) Individual’s name (sender) Individual’s name (recipient) Physical and/or email address (sender) Physical and/or email address (recipient) Urgency level Subject (‘regarding’ or ‘re:’) field Whether a reply is expected Short message about the fax document. Fax cover sheets should typically be simple and without fancy design elements. Occasionally, a fancy cover sheet is nanotechnology, appropriate, such as when sending a fax from a creative business, or for a certain occasion (eg. birthdays, Christmas, event invitations). We have both simple and essays on migrant elaborate fax cover sheet templates for you to essays assurance choose from below. Our printable fax cover sheet templates save you from the tedious job of making a new, professional cover sheet each time you send a fax. They are free, and essays women easy to download, edit, and print. These templates contain all the basic information that should go on a professional fax cover sheet. Just remove the sample information from the on interracial dating, template and replace it with your information.
We have cover sheet templates for every need, whether it’s simple or stylish. Essays On Migrant Women! Take a look and see which ones are best for the color essay, you. Generic Fax Cover Sheet Templates. This fax-cover sheet uses wide margins for a clean look. Women! Sender and receiver details are centered on the page, and plenty of thesis room is on migrant women, given for argumentative on interracial dating, a message or instructions. Size: 183 B Downloads: 275 Filename: Simple-Cover-Sheet.doc Uploaded: 2017-06-07 10:32:00 / 88801.
Sender and receiver details are organized with clean horizontal lines. Good for business or professional faxes, with four checkboxes for essays women, message categorization by urgency and essay on interracial plenty of space for messages. Size: 183 B Downloads: 164 Filename: Basic-Fax.doc Uploaded: 2017-06-07 10:29:00 / 88789. While this basic template lacks sender information, it has plenty of room for a message or additional instructions at women the bottom of the page. Size: 58 KB Downloads: 136 Filename: Classic-Bordered.doc Uploaded: 2017-06-07 10:26:00 / 88768.
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